The agreement thus helped to frame the contours of modern nation-states in a region where there were none before. Since it is essentially an agreement between two colonialist powers outside the region, it would have devastating effects. The agreement is seen by many as a turning point in Western and Arab relations. She denied the promises made by the United Kingdom to the Arabs concerning a national Arab homeland in the region of Syria in exchange for British support for the Ottoman Empire. The agreement was made public with others on 23 November 1917 in Moscow by the Bolsheviks and repeated on 26 November 1917 in the British Guardian, so that “the British were displaced, the Arabs appalled and the Turks happy.”    The legacy of the agreement has caused too much discontent in the region, particularly among the Denarabern, but also among the Kurds, who were denied an independent state.     A tour of world history through the statements, manifestos and agreements of the Magna Carta and the Declaration of Independence to Wikileaks. On 15 September, the British distributed a memory aid (which had been the subject of a private debate two days earlier between Lloyd George and Clemenceau ), in which the British withdrew their troops in Palestine and Mesopotamia and handed over Damascus, Homs, Hama and Aleppo to Fayçal`s troops. While accepting the withdrawal, clemenceau continued to insist on the Sykes-Picot agreement as the basis for all discussions.  The Asia Minor Agreement, the official name of the Sykes-Picot Agreement, dates from 1916. This was the result of secret consultations between British official Mark Sykes and French diplomat François Georges-Picot.
More than a year after the agreement with Russia, British and French representatives, Sir Mark Sykes and François Georges Picot, drafted another secret agreement on the future prey of the Great War. Picot represented a small group determined to ensure control of Syria for France; For his part, Sykes asked the UK to compensate for the influence in the region. The agreement did not allow, to a large extent, the future growth of Arab nationalism, which the British government and army wanted to use at the same time for their advantage vis-à-vis the Turks. The agreement was originally used directly as the basis for the 1918 Anglo-French modus vivendi, which provided a framework for the Occupied Enemy Territory Administration in the Levant. More generally, it was to lead indirectly to the subsequent partition of the Ottoman Empire after the Ottoman defeat of 1918. Shortly after the war, French Palestine and Mosul ceded to the British. Warrants in the Levant and Mesopotamia were awarded at the San Remo conference in April 1920, according to the Sykes-Picot framework; The British mandate for Palestine ran until 1948, the British mandate for Mesopotamia was to be replaced by a similar treaty with compulsory Iraq, and the French mandate for Syria and Lebanon lasted until 1946. The anatolic parts of the agreement were attributed by the Treaty of Sevres of August 1920; But these ambitions were thwarted by the Turkish War of Independence of 1919-23 and the Subsequent Treaty of Lausanne.
Georges-Picot, first secretary of the French Embassy in London (former long-time French consul in Beirut and loyal to the Colonial Party), presented in November 1915 to an interdepartmental committee of British under-secretaries of state a maximum version of french claims in Greater Syria.